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But because Crick is more interested in Orwell’s political ideas and their context than in the man who thought them out, we come no nearer to understanding the contradictions in Orwell’s elusive character: Etonian prole, anticolonial policeman, Tory anarchist, Leftist critic of the Left, puritanical seducer, kindly autocrat.
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He provides a more thoroughly documented factual biography than Peter Stansky and William Abrahams’ two-volume life, which appeared in 19.
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A man who gives a good account of himself is probably lying since any life when viewed from the inside is simply a series of defeats.”Ĭrick was the first scholar with permission to use and quote from the unpublished papers at the Orwell Archive in London.
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But Orwell (echoing Heine) stressed the inner life and self-reflectively wrote in his essay on Salvador Dali: “Autobiography is only to be trusted when it reveals something disgraceful. He writes in a consistently flat and graceless style (and even “takes up the cudgels”-a cliche specifically condemned in “Politics and the English Language”) emphasizes “how his books and essays came to be written” and published, rather than Orwell’s development as an artist and provides a strictly external view of the man-with neither vivid details nor rich revelation of character-that tends to ignore his psychological motivation, guilt, masochism, and self-hatred. He belongs with Johnson, Blake, and Lawrence in the English tradition of prophetic moralists.īernard Crick, a professor of politics at London University, introduces his book by defining Orwell’s achievement: “the finest political writer in English since Swift” and announcing his own curiously crippling method: “the best that a biographer can do is to understand the relationship between the writer and the man.” He does not believe a biographer can enter into his subject’s mind, rejects “the fine writing, balanced appraisal and psychological insight that is the hallmark” of English biography, and dismisses the great line that runs from Johnson’s Lives of the Poets to George Painter’s Marcel Proust. Like Silone, Koestler, Malraux, and Sartre, Orwell was a political novelist who “felt responsible in the face of history” for moral awareness and social justice. Like Don Quixote and Pilgrim’s Progress, it became familiar to people who had never read the book. 1984, which created the concepts of Big Brother, Doublethink, and Newspeak, alerted the postwar world to the dangers of a totalitarian future. But Orwell’s clarity, precision, vigor, and wit made it a popular success: it was translated into 39 languages and had sold eleven million copies by 1972. Lionel Trilling called Homage to Catalonia, which describes the Communist attacks on their Socialist allies in Spain, “one of the most important documents of our time.” But Mary McCarthy, in a rancorous essay, claimed Orwell would have supported America in the Vietnam war.Īnimal Farm, a political allegory on the betrayal of revolutionary principles in Stalinist Russia, was rejected by T. Every line of serious work that I have written since 1936 has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism.” Because of his attacks on the Right and the Left, Orwell was praised and condemned by both sides. In his credo “Why I Write” (1947), he recalled the effect of his combat experience in the Spanish Civil War on his style and thought: “What I have most wanted to do is to make political writing into an art. . . Orwell’s uncompromising intellectual honesty made him one of the most controversial figures of the 20th century.